Cross Cultural Solidarity

History in the Service of Solidarity

 Zilphia Horton: A Master of Cultural Organizing

By Lynn Burnett

This story is part of the White Antiracist Ancestry Project. The image is of Zilphia Horton, leading strikers in song on a picket line in the 1930s.

“Music is the heart of things – of beliefs, situations, of struggle, of ideas, of life itself.”

Zilphia Horton

“A singing army is a winning army and a singing labor movement cannot be defeated. Songs can express sorrow as well as triumph, but the fact that a man sings, shows that his spirit is still free and searching, and such a spirit will not submit to servitude.” 

United Mine Workers President John L. Lewis, writing about Highlander

Zilphia Horton was known as “the heart” of one of the most important training grounds for the labor and civil rights movements: the Highlander Folk School. Founded in 1932 and located in the Appalachian Mountains of Tennessee, Highlander was a radical, racially integrated community in the Jim Crow South. Zilphia was the force behind much of the liberatory culture of Highlander… the culture that, in many ways, allowed it to succeed. As Highlander scholar Stephen Preskill puts it, “Without her, Highlander might have failed.”

Zilphia used music and theatre to build community at Highlander, to bring out the best ideas of the organizers who gathered there, and to test those ideas. She nurtured Highlander’s atmosphere of hospitality and solidarity, where creativity and connection flourished. It was in the atmosphere that she crafted as Highlander’s culture director that history was made.

Youth

Zilphia Mae Johnson was born on April 14, 1910, in rural Arkansas. Her mother, Ora, came from a family of farmers, and her father, Gus, was a coal miner. Her father’s job was to crawl through the mine shafts with a candle attached to a long pole, burning out pockets of methane gas that could asphyxiate miners. It was the most dangerous job in an already dangerous profession.

Although Zilphia’s family was poor, they were self-sufficient and resilient. Her mother was an expert craftswoman, who was capable of sewing an outfit simply by looking at a picture. Her father was a skilled marksman and hunter, who knew how to keep his family fed even in tough times. She and her sisters learned how to hunt, fish, grow food, and forage. Zilphia became an expert markswoman herself. She was also capable of fixing just about anything.

Zilphia’s family moved continuously from mining camp to mining camp, often living in tents. However, in order to attend school, Zilphia spent much of her childhood living with her grandmother. Grandmother Howard created a warm space, where music played, and the home smelled of good cooking. As Zilphia’s biographer Kim Ruehl writes, “So much of the hostess she became, the radical caretaker whose presence was vital to the well-being of Highlander staff and students, can be traced back to her grandmother’s kitchen.” It was also at her grandmother’s house where Zilphia fell in love with the piano, and where she grew into an excellent musician.

By the time Zilphia was in high school, her father had worked his way up from the lowest job in the mining industry to becoming a mine manager. It was a well-paying job that allowed the family to build a nice home. With the days of moving from mine camp to mine camp behind them, Zilphia went to live with her parents in the small mountain town of Paris, Arkansas.

Her address was 1816 Klan Road, just down the street from the local klavern. A ledge wrapped around the meeting place for the local Ku Klux Klan, and Zilphia and her sisters enjoyed walking it like a balance beam. She would sometimes sneak into the klavern to play the piano. In this small town, the Klan was not some secretive organization. Indeed, it was a central part of the town’s social life. Zilphia’s mother may have even sown their robes.

Zilphia’s strongest memories of power and injustice, however, involved labor disputes. She vividly recalled a strike, during which Mexican labor was brought in to replace the strikers. Her father, no longer the miner but the mine manager, began pacing around the house at night, looking out the window with a pistol in hand. Cars would pull up at the edge of the woods in the night: miners who had always been kind to Zilphia, but who now saw her father as their enemy. She knew their hardships, which had once been her father’s, and she wanted better for them.

Finding Her Path

After graduating from high school in 1928, Zilphia attended the University of the Ozarks, where she trained in classical piano. Her curiosity was insatiable. She studied the lives of the composers she loved, and was especially interested in their ideas about the role of art in society and the responsibility of the artist.  

The study of classical music also deepened her appreciation of folk music, which soon became a central force in her life. As Zilphia later wrote:

“Why have composers such as Bach and Liszt spent months and years collecting folk tunes which they later used in their great compositions? The folk song grows out of reality – out of the everyday lives and experiences of people. It is this stark reality and genuineness which gives the folk song vitality and strength . . . Where can more be found to sing about than in the joys and sufferings of people in their struggles for existence?”

After graduating in 1933, Zilphia returned home to Paris. At age 23, most of her friends had already married, but Zilphia had no interest in settling down and starting a family. She was adventurous and restless; interested in men, but not looking for a husband. Rather, she enjoyed shooting guns with men, smoking and drinking with them, and most importantly, seeking them out for stimulating intellectual conversation. All of this made her father concerned. He saw that Zilphia craved meaning and purpose, and suggested she attend a Bible study. It would change her life.

The Bible study was run by a Presbyterian minister named Claude Clossey Williams. As Kim Ruehl writes, Claude saw the Bible

“as a tale of economic strife, with marginalized and oppressed people as the ‘chosen.’ As he explained, those in positions of power . . . were always being shown the way by the fishermen, farmers, and penniless travelers of the Bible . . . Williams saw Jesus’s teachings of love as the only way forward . . . He believed civil equality was an innate right bestowed upon humanity by its creator.”

Claude’s theology led him to build bonds with the Black community on the other side of the Paris railroad tracks. He flouted Jim Crow norms by inviting Black folks into his home. He delivered antiracist sermons. He even organized integrated Bible studies for Black and White youth… the same Bible studies Zilphia was attending.

This radical minister made singing a central component of these integrated spaces. He revised traditional hymns to address racial disparities, as well as economic inequalities that young people of all races could relate to. Zilphia, who was already drawn to music as a force for social change, was enthralled. The Klan was infuriated. When Claude began traveling to the mine camps and preaching about the greediness of the mine owners and the need to organize, Zilphia’s father became infuriated too.

The Bible study had the opposite effect on Zilphia than her father had hoped. He worried that her adventurous and rebellious spirit – which now was extending into an interest in desegregation and labor organizing – was rubbing off on her sisters and hurting their marriage prospects. He told Zilphia she either had to change her behavior or leave. When she said she would leave, her father was stunned and tried to take it back. But Zilphia was ready for something bigger.

In figuring out her next steps, Zilphia turned to the one person she knew with ties to the world beyond rural Arkansas: Claude Williams. He urged her to visit Highlander, which was run by his friend… Myles Horton.

Highlander: Finding Love, and Home

The Highlander Folk School was named after the people living in the Appalachian Mountains where it was located, who at the time were commonly called highlanders. The school sought to create a space for common folk to come together, reflect on their shared problems, come up with their own solutions, and test them. Then they might come back to Highlander again, for further rounds of reflection and action.

The most common problems that people wanted to solve were poverty and labor exploitation. As an example, just months into its founding, Highlander had been on the front lines supporting local miners who had their food supply cut off by mine owners in retaliation for a strike. As babies starved to death, the mine company, which owned the miner’s homes, took the miner’s doors off in the dead of winter. They only succeeded in breaking the strike by assassinating the miner’s leader. For Zilphia – the daughter of a poor mine worker turned mine manager, and by then mine owner – these struggles hit close to home… and she was on the side of the miners.

When Zilphia arrived at Highlander in February 1935, it was for a six-week training in labor organizing. But then, she met Highlander founder Myles Horton. He had not only spearheaded the liberatory pedagogical vision of Highlander, but had displayed incredible bravery supporting the miners in their recent strike. Myles and Zilphia immediately fell for each other. They sensed that by being together, they would also strengthen their ability to pursue their work, their passions, and their visions. Instead of leaving Highlander after six weeks, Zilphia married Myles within three.

Myles knew that Highlander had some missing ingredients. He was an intellectual who had a deep understanding and vision for Highlander. He also understood that bringing people together to develop their own understandings, solutions, and action plans required more than just an intellectual understanding of how to do so. It also required crafting a space of hospitality, inspiration, and belonging. For Highlander’s pedagogy to function, it needed a proper container, where people could feel what they needed to feel, in order to understand what they needed to understand. A culture needed to be created in which Highlander’s pedagogy could take root. Myles saw, in Zilphia’s warm and creative spirit, someone who was far better equipped than he was to fulfill that essential mission. And so, he invited Zilphia to be Highlander’s culture director.

A Masterful Culture Crafter

Zilphia’s first act as culture director was creating a welcoming space for Highlander’s students, and developing a culture of neighborliness with the communities surrounding Highlander.

Many of Highlander’s neighbors had heard baseless rumors that the school was a training ground for “Godless Communists” – a condemnation that almost any organization confronting labor exploitation would have faced. These suspicions created a barrier between Highlander and the very people it hoped to serve. They also posed an obstacle to Highlander modelling the values it hoped to embody, and impacted the atmosphere within Highlander itself. Being a good neighbor was, in Zilphia’s view, a foundational element in building a liberatory culture at Highlander.

Zilphia understood singing and dancing to be one of the best ways to break down barriers. Unlike trying to understand one another by hashing out ideas or engaging in debate, these corporal and communal arts allowed people to simply enjoy one another’s common humanity. And that was a good starting point for letting go of unfounded fears and judgements.

Highlander already offered community nights with square dancing and live music, and some neighbors already attended. Zilphia proactively reached out to the surrounding community to let others know they were welcome as well. She also began digging into the musical traditions of the Highlander region, asking her neighbors what their favorite songs were, and learning them so that she could play the music that they knew and loved. By showing her neighbors that the Highlander community cared about their culture, Zilphia built bonds of trust and respect.  

Song and dance also created a warm and welcoming environment for Highlander’s students. Students often arrived tired after their travels, and could feel out of place in a new environment. Singing and dancing lifted their energy, and helped people who were meeting each other for the first time to develop a sense of connection. Once people were energized and connected, they were better equipped to engage in the work they had come to Highlander to do. As historian Stephen Preskill writes, “Zilphia was convinced the informal singing and dancing that occurred just prior to the meeting primed everyone for more exuberant participation.”

Zilphia quickly discovered that creating a warm and welcoming environment also depended on accessibility. As Preskill notes, “she spurred the elitism that prompted many trained musicians to choose complex, hard-to-sing songs.” Instead, Zilphia removed all barriers to participation. She did away with sheet music, which the average person couldn’t read. She deemphasized her piano, and instead learned the traditional instruments of the region. And, she offered songs using melodies the participants would already be familiar with.

The musical program that Zilphia crafted was used to energize students, create a welcoming space, and help them connect with one another. This laid foundations for the music to then serve its pedagogical purpose: to support the students in working through the problems they most cared about. Here, relevance was key: while traditional music could energize people and bring them together, music was also needed that spoke directly to the needs of the people.

Over the course of a workshop, Zilphia would listen deeply to the experiences of the group, in order to bring forth the music that spoke to their experiences and their needs. She encouraged them to share – and to create – music that spoke to those experiences as well. Her technique was to first get a group energized and connected by singing traditional songs together. Once they had opened up, the group would be more receptive to going deeper. Then, Zilphia would introduce less familiar music, that spoke to the specific needs of the people.

As she had seen Claude Williams do, in order to bring across the needed message, Zilphia began a practice of rewriting traditional folk songs and church hymns that people were familiar with… using lyrics that offered fuel for their organizing. In engaging in these revisions, Zilphia was participating in a long lineage of poor and working-class people altering songs to make them meaningful to their current circumstances. As Zilphia’s friend Teffie put it, this practice allowed ordinary folks to use songs “effectively when it came to the need to carry new and strong messages to each other and to the outside world.”

Zilphia was also deeply committed to music as an empowering source of pleasure. While there was a pleasure people experienced in singing songs they all knew together, Zilphia was after, in Stephen Preskill’s words, “the deeper enjoyment that comes from collaborating with others on something larger than oneself.” She was after the deeper pleasures of belonging, purpose, and a sense of agency.

Theater as Practice and Preparation

In November of 1935, Zilphia traveled to New York City to attend the New Theatre School, where she hoped to expand her repertoire as Highlander’s culture director. There, she studied how to use theatre to explore social issues. When she returned in February of 1936, she shifted Highlander’s dramatics program “away from educating those who observed the plays to educating those who participated in them,” to use the words of Highlander historian John Glen.

Under Zilphia Horton’s direction, theater at Highlander became a vehicle for role-playing different scenarios that might come up during a strike, boycott, or other efforts the students at Highlander might be planning or engaged in. Those who congregated at Highlander might be able to practice, through theater, what they’d like to say to a boss… and through that practice, gain more courage to go back home and raise their voice.

In such a roleplay, another student might play the boss, allowing them to step into the shoes of the person in power. In planning any effective action, it was critical to understand the perspective of those with power, and how they might respond to different demands or actions. Under Zilphia’s direction, theater became a way for workers to look at situations from different angles, to envision new possibilities, test new ideas, and gain practice for real-world scenarios. The audience played a crucial role as well, sharing what they noticed, and then trying out new roleplays based on their observations. 

In creating these roleplays, Zilphia wrote that “Students should be faced with the same conditions at the school as they would be in their home situations.” According to Stephen Preskill,

“Zilphia developed two simple criteria for evaluating the drama classes. Activities had to be practical enough to ‘take back to their home organizations and put into use,’ and they needed to challenge conventional thinking by putting learners in situations that introduced dilemmas or complexities that confounded what many thought they already knew.”

As with Zilphia’s approach to songs, accessibility was central to her theatre program. Over time, the program became ever more organic, moving away from scripts and written lines, and towards more improvisation and authenticity. The roleplays that were most successful at portraying important lessons and scenarios were printed and shared with organizers.

The Song Collector

In 1936, Zilphia briefly returned to Arkansas to take graduate classes in voice at the College of the Ozarks. She also immersed herself in learning about the musical history and traditions of the poor and working-class people of the region. During this time, she began writing to musicians and scholars, in what became a lifelong project of collecting songs. Her intention, in Kim Ruehl’s words, was to create a song collection that could “amplify the dignity of working people throughout the region by reintroducing them to their own culture.” Funding for the project, however, was hard to come by, and the project fizzled.

Then, in 1938, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) launched a $2 million dollar initiative to organize unions in the South. The CIO hired Highlander to train their labor organizers… and provided Zilphia with funding to create an official songbook. The backing of the CIO allowed Zilphia to spend more time on her song collecting efforts. This included extensive outreach, through which Zilphia established ties with folklorists and musicians around the country. Soon, even Woody Guthrie and Pete Seeger were sending her music for the songbook… and visiting her at Highlander, where they came away more inspired than ever to craft music for and about the workers of the world.

In creating her songbook, Zilphia was especially inspired by the example of Joe Hill’s 1909 The Little Red Songbook. Joe had been a member of the Wobblies, a radical union which welcomed all people into its ranks regardless of race or gender. In collecting and composing his songs, Joe embodied the lineage Zilphia was participating in. Like her – and like her first example, Claude Williams – he would often rewrite old church hymns the workers were already familiar with, with words that represented the values and goals of the labor movement.

Wobblies carried The Little Red Songbook into their worksites and out onto their picket lines. For them, music was a weapon in the war against exploitation. In his final words to his fellow workers, shortly before his execution by firing squad in 1915, Joe Hill wrote: “Don’t mourn, organize!” The words became a rallying cry for generations of organizers.

As Zilphia crafted her book, she added notes about the history of the songs, the conditions under which they were written, and the impact they had. This allowed workers using the book to feel that when they sang these songs, they were participating in a historical legacy. By offering labor songs from many regions, Zilphia also helped workers, who were often focused on their own local circumstances, to see that they were not alone, but were part of a larger movement. This provided courage and inspiration… and those were fuel for action.

Zilphia’s book was simply titled Labor Songs. Published in 1939, in its introduction, United Mine Workers president John L. Lewis described Highlander as “A singing army.” He continued:

“A singing army is a winning army and a singing labor movement cannot be defeated. Songs can express sorrow as well as triumph, but the fact that a man sings, shows that his spirit is still free and searching, and such a spirit will not submit to servitude.” 

The Unity of Economic and Racial Justice

As Zilphia Horton shaped Highlander’s cultural programs, Highlander was becoming increasingly committed to fighting racial oppression in the South. Myles Horton had always opposed Jim Crow, viewing it as both a system of racial terror, and of economic exploitation. He had long viewed Jim Crow as benefiting the rich and powerful, by preventing Black and White poor and working-class people from organizing together for fair wages and working conditions. Zilphia shared this understanding. Together, they were committed to making Highlander a space that could bring people together across the lines of racial division.

Although located in the Jim Crow South where interracial gatherings were dangerous, Highlander had been open to Black participants since its founding in 1932. Its first large integrated gathering took place in 1935, shortly after Zilphia arrived. At that gathering, the All-Southern Civil and Trade Union Rights Conference had quickly relocated to Highlander after armed White supremacists had shown up to their original location with sticks of dynamite. The meeting tackled a range of racial justice issues, including supporting the Scottsboro Boys and outlawing lynchings.

In 1940, Highlander issued an official non-discrimination policy. Although these practices had been in place for years, Myles felt it was important that they were clearly stated, and that anyone considering coming to Highlander be made aware of them. Highlander let it be known that “unions should notify in advance all students both white and Negro that there would be no discrimination” during their stay at Highlander. During this same period, Myles and Zilphia deepened their ties with Black sharecroppers through the Southern Farmers Union. They viewed this connection, in Kim Ruehl’s words, as “another way to connect poor whites with poor Blacks, and to do so through something as vital as the Southern food supply.”

By the late 1940s, the students who showed up at Highlander were increasingly diverse. When they arrived, they found integrated bunk rooms, bathrooms, and dining tables. Myles was often asked how integration was achieved at Highlander, and was fond of saying: “First, the food is prepared. Second, it’s put on the table. Third, we ring the bell.” In saying this, Myles was using his famous sense of humor to put people at ease… which itself contributed to making integration possible at Highlander. The joke was also his way of pointing out the absurdity of segregation: why should such a simple thing be so hard?

In reality, however, what allowed for racial integration at Highlander required nuance and skill. Students – both Black and White – who had been raised under Jim Crow felt an understandable unease arriving in the desegregated community of Highlander, although only Black attendees faced a true risk. As Kim Ruehl puts it, “The white folks had to submit to coming down from their imagined pedestal while the Black folks had to trust they wouldn’t be harmed in their sleep.” The culture that Zilphia crafted at Highlander was critical for creating a sense of safety for Black students. Without that culture, Highlander’s commitment to integration would have existed in name only. It was the culture that allowed the commitment to become real.

As Highlander grew into a more diverse community, music became an even more important tool for building solidarity and belonging. In Zilphia’s words:

“Groups of varied cultural backgrounds can sing together and achieve a unity often not otherwise possible. The strong emotional element in music has a power to bring people together. Because people can sing what they would never speak, music will often unify groups that would be divided in discussion.”

“We’ll Be Alright”

Zilphia worked hard to embody the songs she taught, singing them over and over again until they seeped into her bones, and experimenting with them until they became her own. Kim Ruehl describes her sense of responsibility around this process:

“Zilphia knew that whether the students were affected by a song would be determined by the way she sang it for them that one time. She was determined to place it in her muscle memory so that it might travel into theirs.”

As Highlander deepened its ties with Black workers throughout the 1940s, more of the music that Zilphia learned came from Black communities. Zilphia felt a special sense of responsibility when it came to how she sang music that was deeply rooted in the Black experience, including in forms of oppression that made the experiences of poor White miners pale in comparison. Kim Ruehl, once again, describes Zilphia’s approach beautifully. Her words are worth quoting at length. Zilphia

“knew that the way she learned to sing as a white woman taking lessons and studying music in college was markedly different from the way Black women sang in church. She wanted to sing this song the way they did – not to appropriate their musical attack, but to honor it, so that anyone listening might know that it was more than just a song, that it had come from a culture that demanded understanding and respect. She wasn’t using it for her own benefit, but rather acting as a conduit between the culture from which the song came and her audience, so that their view of the world might expand . . .

“The labor movement was, to her, an avenue towards empowering those people – Black and white workers alike . . . The work she was doing was a continuation of the movement for justice and equality that had been central to America from its founding and that had taken so many turns, including revolution, slave rebellion, and labor organizing. So rather than appropriate the culture of Black abolitionists, Zilphia wanted to join her students to their legacy, to link the plight of struggling workers to the plight of every single one of ‘those who loved and fought before.’”

Kim’s reference to ‘those who loved and fought before’ comes from the song No More Mourning, which Zilphia held especially close to her heart. She learned the song from a Black sharecropper named John Handcox, who Zilphia described as “a natural song-maker [who] used songs to help organize the Southern Tenant Farmers.” Kim Ruehl writes that Zilphia was deeply drawn to the song’s “optimism, determination, the way it colored the universal human impulse toward hope”:

No more mournin’

No more mournin’

No more mournin’ after while

Before I’ll be a slave

I’ll be buried in my grave

Take my place with those who loved and fought before.

Although Harry Belafonte would later make a popular recording of this song in the 1950s, and although Joan Baez would later sing it on the steps of the US Capitol the same day Martin Luther King gave his “I Have a Dream” speech, No More Mourning was not the most influential Black Freedom Struggle song Zilphia helped to popularize at Highlander.

The story of that song began on October 22, 1945, when the employees at the American Tobacco plant in Charleston went on strike. The strikers were Black women who were paid a mere ten cents an hour… the equivalent of a dollar-fifty today. After working grueling hours, these women could afford little more than enough bread to survive. Legally, they were owed a minimum of forty cents an hour, but the bosses ignored the law. They assumed that poor Black women wouldn’t dare challenge powerful White men. They were wrong.

From October until March, from before the sun rose until after darkness fell, these women held the picket line. They held the line through the winter and through the rains. They held the line through exhaustion, hunger, and cold, warming their hands over fires burning in metal drums. During these hard times, sources were needed to keep their spirits alive for the struggle.  

At the end of those long days on the picket line, a young strike leader named Lucille Simmons led them in song. Lucille was a member of her church choir. The melody of the song she sang was ancient: it can be traced back to a Catholic hymn from the Middle Ages, Oh Santissima. Over many centuries, and countless lyrical incarnations, Oh Santissima found its way into Black spirituals. It eventually found its way to a Black woman born into an Alabama sharecropping family named Louise Shropshire, who offered her own version under the title If My Jesus Wills. It was likely this version that Lucille Simmons taught the striking women. Kim Ruehl describes her song as “long, slow, and haunting, like a meditation, an old, old hymn with new words:”

We’ll be alright

We’ll be alright  

We’ll be alright someday.  

Down in my heart

I do believe

We’ll overcome someday.

As the strikers sang this ancient hymn that had gone through so many incarnations, they added their own words that spoke to their struggle: I’ll be alright . . . We will win our rights . . . We will win this fight . . . We will overcome! The song offered spiritual fuel that kept these women going.

Although the strike ultimately failed, the women who participated were forever changed. Some took their newfound experience with organizing into other labor struggles, and eventually, became deeply involved in the Civil Rights Movement. In 1946, the summer after the strike ended, a small group of these women attended a workshop at Highlander. Unfortunately, the names of these women are unknown. But by transmitting this song to Zilphia Horton, they left their mark on history.

As Kim Ruehl writes,

“Zilphia knew an important song when she heard it. She adopted ‘We Will Overcome’ as a sort or personal anthem, printing it on song sheet broadsides. From that moment on, she taught it to everyone who came through Highlander. She closed every meeting with it. She sang it as a sort of closing prayer at every event and gathering when a song seemed necessary. The song struck a perfect balance between public declaration and personal meditation. It was a reminder to all those listening of the persistence of the human spirit.”

In the fall of 1948, Zilphia sat alone with the folk music legend Pete Seeger, teaching him the song. He was so moved that he made We Will Overcome a part of his musical repertoire. Guy Carawan, who would become Highlander culture director following Zilphia’s death, adopted the song as well. As a performer, Guy decided to shift the rhythm of the song, so that it felt more like a march. Pete Seeger adopted the new rhythm… and changed the “we” to “shall.”

In this way, perhaps the most important incarnation of Oh Santissima was born: We Shall Overcome.

Roots of the Citizenship Schools

In 1953, as the Brown vs. Board case wound its way through the courts, the staff at Highlander sensed that a major blow to Jim Crow was on the horizon. If the Supreme Court ruled that segregated schooling was unconstitutional, there would be enormous ripple effects. Such a ruling could open the door to challenging segregation in other institutions… and perhaps to challenging Jim Crow itself. At a staff meeting, the Highlander community decided to pivot the school’s energies to more fully support the growing struggle against Jim Crow.

And so, in 1953, Highlander hosted a workshop on how to respond if the Supreme Court ruled that segregated schooling was illegal. The White South would not give up easily, and organizing would be necessary to make the new laws a reality. When the Brown decision did indeed outlaw segregated schools in May of 1954, Highlander hosted another workshop on how to capitalize on that decision.

In attendance was a brilliant Black educator named Septima Clark. Septima was a seasoned teacher, and a movement veteran. She was deeply moved by the liberatory culture and pedagogy she encountered at Highlander, as well by the experience of integration at the school… an experience she had never imagined could be made to feel so normal. After Septima returned to Highlander for subsequent workshops in the summer of 1954, she was hired to lead the school’s civil rights education efforts.

As part of those efforts, Septima connected Highlander to a former student of hers named Esau Jenkins, who was committed to supporting Black voting rights. At the time, Black southerners often needed to pass literacy tests to register to vote. Since illiteracy was widespread, Esau hoped to establish literacy schools to support voting rights efforts. He and Septima believed Highlander could help.

For Highlander, this presented an opportunity to build a connection with a Black community that was ready to move. But Esau’s community – the Gullah people of the South Carolina Sea Islands – were guarded against outsiders, especially if they were White. Highlander would have to prove itself to the community.

Septima believed Zilphia was the right person for the job. And so, Zilphia traveled to the Sea Islands. “She came,” Kim Ruehl writes,” with her songs and her instruments to lay a foundation for what, she had a strong inkling, would be a long and productive relationship.” Indeed, the community warmed to her, partly because Esau vouched for her so strongly, but also because of Zilphia’s clear love for the music that had arisen from the Black experience, and her ability to sing it with such understanding and authenticity.

This was the beginning of trust being built… and the beginning of a long collaboration with Highlander. The efforts of Esau Jenkins and Septima Clark, backed by Highlander, soon led to the establishment of the first citizenship schools of the Civil Rights Movement. When the literacy programs of those first schools helped every single one of their students – taught by Septima Clark’s cousin, Bernice Robinson – gain the right to vote, Highlander helped launch dozens of other citizenship schools.

Rosa Parks Comes to Highlander

Although the Brown decision struck the first major blow to Jim Crow in 1954, as 1955 came to a close, there was still no hoped-for mass movement. That would change on December 1, 1955, when Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on a segregated bus in Montgomery.

By 1955, Rosa was an experienced freedom fighter. In the 1930s, she and her husband Raymond hosted armed, late-night meetings in their home to support the Scottsboro Boys. During the 1940s, she was a lead investigator of racial assaults in Alabama. Rosa was especially focused on the widespread rape of Black women by White men, which almost always went unpunished. She risked her life journeying down the isolated, dusty roads of rural Alabama, interviewing survivors. She even spearheaded a national campaign to shed light on the sexual violence Black women faced.

Rosa also loved mentoring youth, and ran the NAACP Youth Council in Montgomery. These young people, supported by their mentor, challenged Jim Crow laws in Montgomery, drinking at Whites-only water fountains, holding demonstrations protesting segregated libraries… and sometimes refusing to move from their seats on the buses. These youth inspired and energized Rosa Parks.

However, as Stephen Preskill writes, Rosa “felt deeply discouraged and suffered from physical and psychological exhaustion.” She worried that “most black adults in Montgomery were so beaten down by white supremacy and the relentless terrorism of the Ku Klux Klan that they had little faith in the possibility for change.” Two of her dearest friends in Montgomery, the local NAACP president E.D. Nixon and a White civil rights activist Virginia Durr, believed that some time at Highlander would reenergize Rosa Parks.  

And so, with the support of her friends, Rosa Parks arrived at Highlander for a two-week intensive training… just four months before she refused to give up her seat. The training was titled Racial Desegregation: Implementing the Supreme Court Decision. Its goal was to support students in developing their own plans to desegregate their communities. It tackled some of the very issues that had been troubling Rosa, including divisions in Black communities, how to overcome them, and how to build unity around a common cause.

Although Rosa Parks had thought deeply about these topics for many years, being in the atmosphere of Highlander – that atmosphere that Zilphia Horton had done so much to create – gave her a much-needed jolt of energy and inspiration. She later wrote, “I found for the first time in my adult life that this could be a unified society, that there was such a thing as people of all races and backgrounds meeting and having workshops and living together in peace and harmony.” She described the experience as life changing.

Having such a positive experience at Highlander also made it harder for Rosa to return to the daily humiliations of Jim Crow that she experienced in Montgomery. Her friend Virginia Durr wrote to Myles and Zilphia: “When she came back she was so happy and felt so liberated and then as time went on, she said the discrimination got worse and worse to bear AFTER having, for the first time in her life, been free of it at Highlander.” 

Given Rosa Parks’ long history of activism, she may well have refused to give up her seat on that bus whether she had gone to Highlander or not. In fact, she had long been determined not to move if such a moment came. She was already encouraging the Black youth she mentored to not to give up their seats. One of those youths, Claudette Colvin, had already been arrested for refusing to move from her seat, months before Rosa went to Highlander. Indeed, ever since the Brown decision had outlawed segregated schools, Rosa and her colleagues in Montgomery had been planning ways to take on the segregated transportation system.

Ultimately, whether or not Rosa would or would not have moved from her seat without her time at Highlander is not the point. The story of Rosa Parks at Highlander points to the reality that organizers can suffer from emotional and physical exhaustion, and that they need sources of energy and inspiration to stay in the struggle. The potential Rosa Parks of this world need periods of retreat and of reflection. They need connection and community. All of that facilitates the energy and courage to take whatever stand the moment calls for. And all of that is nourished and supported by crafting culture.

An Unfinished Journey

Throughout these history-making moments at Highlander, Zilphia’s personal life continued to evolve. On February 22, 1943, she had given birth to her first child, Thorsten Wayne Horton. On March 24, 1945, she gave birth to Charis (pronounced “Karis”) Ermon Horton. The children grew up being held by friends, by as their mother led the community in song.

When Charis was diagnosed with polio at age four, and later suffered from severe burns when her dress caught on fire at age six, Zilphia came up with all manner of fun projects, from creating puppet theatres to crafting unique Christmas decorations. Zilphia adored being a mother, and she was just as creative in her parenting as she was in the rest of her life. Despite other hardships, including the targeting of Highlander by White supremacists and the FBI, the children thrived.

Zilphia had an insatiable curiosity and a lust for life, and over the years had spent time in big cities like New York and Chicago, taking classes to expand her abilities as a cultural organizer, and enjoying the larger worlds of art, music, and theatre that big cities offered. She and Myles had traveled to Mexico and Guatemala, where she thrived amongst different cultures, and developed an increasing interest in international human rights and organizing across national boundaries.

Zilphia loved the opportunities that big cities and international travel held, and sometimes felt stifled at Highlander. At times, she felt a tension between her responsibilities at Highlander, and her desires for broader experiences and for self-actualization. When she felt this way, she often turned to nature. Although Zilphia did not embrace any specific religious tradition, she was a spiritual person, and nature offered her clarity, reflection, and healing. Nature was also a source that nourished her as an artist. As Kim Ruehl writes, Zilphia

“found hope and some indication of a way forward when she paid close attention to details: the tiny bird chattering, the wind-blown hemlock. As she watched people interact and considered the broader context of the times, she knew that focusing on the little things would help inform her on how to move culture through the arts.”

On April 1, 1956, Zilphia was working in her office. Questions about her direction in life swirled together with excitement about the growing Civil Rights Movement. She reached for a Mason jar and took a quick swig of what she thought was homemade moonshine. Instead, it was carbon tetrachloride… the chemical Zilphia used to clean her typewriter. She ran to the bathroom, stuck her fingers down her throat, and vomited up as much of the poisonous liquid as she could. But it was too late. 

Zilphia Horton died of kidney failure on April 11, 1956, just three days before her forty-sixth birthday. In one of her last conversations with Myles, she expressed immense gratitude for her life and everything they had made together. And she expressed immense regret, that she would not see her children grow up. She told the children that she wanted them to be completely, authentically themselves: for “Charis to be Charis, and Thorsten to be Thorsten.” Zilphia was calm as she died, and she was focused on love.

Seeds Flower  

Zilphia had lived just long enough to see the opening salvo of the Civil Rights Movement: the Montgomery bus boycott. Five years later, when student-led sit-ins swept the South in 1960, the movement that began in a single city finally grew into the regionwide, mass movement that Zilphia would have hoped for. The students who led the sit-ins soon founded the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), which did much of the best grassroots organizing of the movement. They trained for their nonviolent resistance campaigns using roleplays that were strikingly similar to those Zilphia had led at Highlander.

In 1960, Guy Carawan, who had inherited Zilphia’s role as culture director at Highlander, taught SNCC leaders the song We Shall Overcome. The students, Kim Ruehl writes, “instinctively, unprompted, linked arms and swayed as they sang.” Through them, the song grew into the unofficial anthem of the Civil Rights Movement. Freedom Singer Bernice Johnson Reagon later commented that first Zilphia, and then Pete Seeger and Guy Carawan, had served as White “custodians” of the Black spiritual. “They had kept it alive by singing it as a song of struggle but were proud to see it reclaimed by Black people. And reclaimed it was.”

Meanwhile, the citizenship schools continued to spread as the Civil Rights Movement picked up steam. Myles Horton realized that a larger organization, with greater capacity, would be better equipped to take them on. In 1961, Septima Clark convinced Martin Luther King to adopt the program through his organization, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). The SCLC’s Citizenship Education Project eventually trained 3,500 citizenship school teachers, who helped 125,000 Black Southerners gain their right to vote.  

Highlander had always had an analysis that racial division was a tool, wielded by the powerful, to divide ordinary working people. Martin Luther King’s last campaign – the Poor People’s Campaign – embodied this analysis, by seeking to build a multiracial movement against poverty. When the assassin’s bullet ended Martin’s life, he was forging relationships with Indigenous, Latino, and poor-White Appalachian leadership… the latter, who were also known as highlanders.

Lillian Smith

Born in 1897, Lillian Smith was a pioneering White Southern critic of the Jim Crow South. Her antiracist journey began as a child, when her family adopted a little White girl named Janie, who had been found living in a “shack” with a Black family. Janie was suspected of having been kidnapped, and was forcibly relocated. Lillian and Janie became fast friends: they played together, shared clothes, and slept in the same room… until it was discovered that Janie was actually a White-passing, Black child. When Janie was suddenly torn away from Lillian, Lillian realized that there was something “out there” in the world beyond her parent’s control… and that it was powerful enough to make her parents do bad things. As she later wrote in her book Killers of the Dream:“I began to know that people who talked of love and children did not mean it . . . Something was wrong with a world that tells you that love is good and people are important and then forces you to deny love and to humiliate people.”

Lillian Smith became a prolific writer, whose keen psychological insights into the functioning of White supremacy supported generations of freedom fighters. Her writings explore how Jim Crow rituals sank in on a deeply somatic level that made it hard to question the racial order: it was not only children’s minds, but their bodies that learned “the twisting turning dance of segregation . . . hour by hour, year by year until the movements were reflexes and made for the rest of our lives without thinking.” She describes how a broader authoritarian culture that enforced unquestioned and strict rules around religion, gender, and sexuality was necessary to create the conditions for also not questioning White supremacy. Lillian Smith is also an early example of how queer women were often at the forefront of asking the deepest questions and developing the deepest analysis of power at the intersections of race, class, gender, and sexuality.

In addition to her contributions as a writer, Lillian and her partner Paula Snelling ran the Laurel Falls Girls Camp, located on Georgia’s Old Screamer Mountain, throughout the 20s, 30s, and 40s. The girls and young White women who attended were encouraged to explore any and all questions that felt alive to them in their lives, through theatre, dance, art, and discussion. The process inevitably led to rich conversations and realizations about race relations, sexism, authority… and in Lillian’s words, “our bodies, sex, death, life, God, our parents, hate, love, fear, anxiety, guilt, and beauty.” Generations of White southern women would later express the enormous impact that Laurel Falls Camp had on their lives.

Selected Books

Tanya Long Bennett (editor): Critical Essays on the Writings of Lillian Smith.

Melanie Morrison: Letters from Old Screamer Mountain.

Lillian Smith:

Connie Curry

Constance Curry – affectionately known as “Connie” – was born into a newly emigrated, working-class Irish family during the Great Depression. For the first ten years of her life, her family was constantly on the move, chasing work in the textile industry before finally finding a stable job in the mills of Greensboro, North Carolina. Connie’s parents regaled their children with Irish poetry, song, and the stories of Irish revolutionaries. “It is clear to me,” she later wrote, “that the Irish struggle got planted deep in my heart and soul at an early age, and that its lessons and music and poetry were easily transferred to the southern freedom struggle.”

In college, Connie got involved in student organizing with the progressive National Student Association (NSA). In 1953 – shortly before the Civil Rights Movement began – she was elected by the NSA to represent the students of the South. As a ferocious White backlash against the movement developed, students of the NSA felt that young White southerners were ready to chart a more progressive path than their elders… if they had some support. And so, in 1959, the NSA launched the Southern Project, which aimed to build a multiracial network of student supporters of the Civil Rights Movement across the South. Connie was the Southern Project’s first director.

In February of 1960, Connie was driving through Greensboro when she heard the news on the local radio: four Black college students had been arrested, for refusing to leave the Woolworth’s lunch counter. From that moment, the sit-in movement spread like wildfire, and Connie began showing up to witness, document, and build relationships with the student activists. She used her directorship of the Southern Project to spearhead a newsletter about the student-led movement, which was distributed throughout the NSA’s national network. The newsletter gave students across the country updates on the violence their fellow students in the South were facing, what the needs of those students were, and what local actions could be taken to offer support. Connie’s newsletter contributed to a surge of northern support, and laid the foundation for the northern networks that would later support the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC.)

When the sit-in leaders gathered later that year to form SNCC, Connie was one of the few White people in attendance, and became the first White woman on SNCC’s executive committee. She gave SNCC leaders the keys to her Southern Project office to make use of the resources there, introduced them to her NSA network and funding sources, and even used funding for the Southern Project to directly pay SNCC’s bills. She never asked for permission to do any of this… and no one from the NSA chose to question her.

Connie stepped away from SNCC in 1964, as the organization moved away from campus organizing. With the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, she accepted a new position as the southern field representative for the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), where she worked for eleven years to ensure that the promises of the Civil Rights Movement’s landmark legislative victories were kept. She was the AFSC liaison for planning the Poor People’s Campaign, and was in a meeting with Martin Luther King the day before he was killed. From 1975 to 1990, she served as the City of Atlanta’s Director of Human Services, under the city’s first two Black mayors: Maynard Jackson, and Martin Luther King’s dear friend, Andrew Young. As the era of mass incarceration picked up steam, she fought diligently against the New Jim Crow. She also turned toward writing, helping to chronicle many of the untold stories of the civil rights era. Connie Curry died in 2020, at the age of 86.

Additional Resources

Connie Curry:

CRMvet bio.

Cate Fosl Interviewing Constance Curry.

Mississippi Encyclopedia bio.

New York Times obituary.

SNCC Digital Gateway bio.

Voices Across the Color Line Interview with Constance Curry.

Wikipedia bio.

Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz

Image from the Jewish Women’s Archive.

Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz was born in Brooklyn, in 1945, in “a swirling Jewish ghetto/community of first-and-second generation immigrants,” where union support and opposition to McCarthyism was the norm. She was raised to understand that racial prejudice was wrong by a father who had been a member of the Young Communist League, and a mother who had been spat on for her activism against the Korean War. As Melanie wrote in her biographical essay, To be a Radical Jew in the Late 20th Century: social justice “was my Jewish upbringing, as much as the candles we lit for Hanukkah.”

At age 17, Melanie had her first experience of organizing. It was 1963, as the Civil Rights Movement was gaining momentum. She began working for the Harlem Education Project, which was connected to the SNCC-affiliated Northern Student Movement. As Melanie describes the project, they “had organized a tutoring project, several rent strikes, an anti-rat campaign; had pressured schools for decent facilities and a Black history curriculum, and helped to create freedom schools for children to attend in protest . . . It was my first experience with a mobilizing proud community and with the possibilities of collective action.”

It was also her first experience in a non-Jewish environment. During her time with the Harlem Education Project, she met civil rights activists returning from the South. She heard personal stories of incredible oppression – of loved ones lynched, of great grandparents enslaved – as well as of inspiring freedom struggles. The experience led her to become intensely focused on combatting White supremacy. And yet, she was “utterly unaware of racism against Jews.” The Holocaust, at her young age, felt like it was “eons ago, irrelevant.”

In 1966, Melanie left New York for graduate school in Berkeley: “I wanted to get away from NY, from my family, my people, to be part of the radical politics developing on the West Coast.” She threw herself into the antiwar movement; into struggles for racial justice and economic rights; into the women’s rights movement; and after coming out as a lesbian in the early 1970s, into queer liberation. Jewish issues were hardly on her radar.

And yet, she felt out of place and socially awkward in the progressive spaces she inhabited. In 1978, she had coffee with a woman who wanted to work at the rape relief hotline Melanie was involved in. Although the two women had little in common, Melanie experienced a sense of ease in their conversation that she rarely found in movement spaces. She realized it was because they had a shared culture: they were both East Coast Jews. She began to sense that it was important for her to be around Jews, Jewish culture, and to pay attention to Jewish issues.

This sense was solidified over the next few years, during a period of moving around the country. While living in Maine, her house “had a swastika smeared on the bedroom door in what looked like blood.” As more swastikas appeared in the neighborhood, she wrote: “I was becoming very very conscious.” Driving through the South on the way to her new home in New Mexico, the messages on the local conservative talk shows struck fear in her heart. And: as she began writing and speaking more about Jewish issues in the places where she yearned to feel at home – feminist left spaces – she encountered “resistance, overt rejection, ridicule, a willful ignorance . . . the ant-Semitism I was encountering in the women’s movement and on the left hurt me more, not because it was more threatening but because the feminist left was where I needed to be: this added to my sense of isolation as a Jew.”

These experiences led Melanie to realize that she would be better equipped to engage in the issues she cared about, if she grounded herself in the culture and the people she came from. This realization, in turn, informed her ever-deepening understanding of the politics of solidarity. In a critique of the left, she wrote: “Few of us have learned to trust our own rhetoric, that people will fight harder as they also fight for themselves.” She felt that when it came to Jews especially, the left ignored “how much political energy can be generated as groups develop a cohesive identity and analysis.” “True coalition,” she wrote, “forms between groups; the premise is that each group has a strong base in a larger community. Thus Jews who want to work in coalition need not only to know who we are but to be bonded with other Jews.”

For the rest of her life, Melanie strengthened her bonds with Jewish communities and Jewish organizing. She did so partly because connecting with Jewish communities was a personal need of hers, and partly to mobilize those communities around the issues she cared about. That included building support for Palestinian human rights: Melanie lamented that although many Jews embraced progressive policies, “on this one issue, Israel/Palestine, it’s still acceptable at the Jewish center to forget that Palestinians are people, too.” She worried that Israeli dehumanization facilitated antisemitism around the world, writing that: “While anti-semitism is never the fault of Jews, the brutality of the Israeli occupation . . . has got to pump up Jew-hating.” In Wrestling With Zion, she imagines showing up to the Israeli consulate to reject her “right to return” to Israel, saying: “I do not believe the solution to anti-Semitism is the creation of another hated minority so that I can enjoy the privileges of majority. Far from feeling protected by Israel, I feel exposed to danger by the actions of the Israeli state.”

In her final book – The Colors of Jews: Racial Politics and Radical Diasporism – Melanie brought an important focus to the racial and ethnic diversity of the Jewish experience. She also continued to deepen her politics of solidarity by theorizing an ethic of “radical Diasporism,” which pushed back on the notion of Israel as the Jewish homeland. “Where Zionism says go home,” she writes, “Diasporism says we make home where we are.” Melanie emphasized that by embracing Diasporism, Jews can also find commonality and build solidarity with other diasporic peoples… including Arabs. As her partner Leslie Cagan summarizes, Diasporism calls for people to bring the “fullness of their traditions and values”, and “put them into practice wherever they are.”

In theorizing Diasporism, Melanie built on the Jewish “principle of doikayt – hereness – the right to be, and to fight for justice, wherever we are.” She goes on to connect some powerful dots between Diasporism, Doikayt, and solidarity: “Doikayt means Jews enter coalitions wherever we are, across lines that might divide us, to work together for universal equality and justice.” Diasporism also teaches “the salient lesson of the Holocaust, which is: build with allies an urgent and powerful opposition to all hatred . . . trying to forge strong coalitions is our best defense. Not Jewish defense leagues. Not an ever more powerful Israeli Defense Force. Not billions of U.S. dollars for the Israeli government to purchase weapons from U.S. arms manufacturers.”

Melanie’s path towards developing and living out these principles began when she joined the New Jewish Agenda in the early 1980s, where she served on the steering committee and co-chaired its Task Force on Anti-Semitism and Racism. The organization was one of the few American Jewish organizations to immediately oppose the 1982 Lebanon War. During this period, Melanie also co-edited the groundbreaking, multicultural lesbian literary & art journal Sinister Wisdom, where she devoted an entire issue to the Palestinian refugee experience. Her work with Sinister Wisdom exemplifies another essential dimension of Melanie’s life: that of the feminist poet and activist artist. As Lambda Literary’s tribute to her beautifully evokes, Melanie “recognized the importance of stories and particularly women’s stories to the work of revolutionary change . . . Poets played an important role in the feminist movement and their poems were tools for women to use to build consciousness, build community, take action, and fight back.” When Melanie passed the torch of editorship to Elana Dykewomon in 1987, she wrote: “I know Sinister Wisdom is a tool for the making of culture and culture is bread, culture is roses, culture is inspiration, inspiration is the breath of resistance, resistance is how we survive who were never meant to survive.” 

In 1990, Melanie became the founding director of Jews for Racial and Economic Justice (JFREJ), which fostered a progressive Jewish voice and organizing space in New York City. JFREJ emphasizes that her legacy “centered our work in a deeply feminist, queer, anti-racist, multicultural, class-conscious analysis. The word ‘intersectionality’ did not yet have wide currency, but Melanie communicated the concept and put it into action.” JFREJ was one of the few Jewish groups at the time that was organizing against anti-Arab prejudice, and that was building relationships of solidarity with Arab American communities. This allowed JFREJ to better support those communities in the wake of 9/11, when anti-Arab and anti-Muslim prejudices skyrocketed. With JFREJ, Melanie also founded Beyond the Pale: The Progressive Jewish Radio Hour; organized workshops for confronting White privilege, racism, and antisemitism; and launched a series of radical Jewish history conferences.

Throughout her life of activism, Melanie was also a professor, teaching broadly about racial and gender justice and Jewish studies. This included teaching the first Women’s Studies course ever at Berkeley. She was a beloved mentor to many. Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz died in the summer of 2018, after a long battle with Parkinson’s Disease. “Everything about Melanie’s life,” her partner Leslie Cagan wrote, “– her very being  – was grounded in the deepest empathy and the strongest commitment to solidarity I have ever seen.”

“Solidarity is the political version of love.” Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz

Additional Resources

Articles by Melanie Kaye Kantrowitz:

Books by Melanie Kaye Kantrowitz:

Articles about Melanie Kaye Kantrowitz:

Leslie Cagan (Melanie’s partner.) Remembering Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz.

Jewish Currents: Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz, 1945 – 2018: Remembering one of American Jewry’s most inspiring activists and writers.

Jewish Women’s Archive: Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz.

Jews for Racial and Economic Justice:

Lambda Literary: Remembering the Life and Work of Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz.

MelanieKayeKantrowitz.com: Collection of Remembrances of Melanie.

New York Times obituary: Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz, Feminist, Activist and Author, Dies at 72.

Wikipedia bio.

Videos & Podcasts:

KPFA: Kate Raphael talks with Leslie Cagan about the contribution of her long-time lover, Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz, to Jewish feminist and anti-racist scholarship and activism.

The People’s Forum NYC: Remembering Melanie Kaye/Kantrowitz.

Stanley Levison

Shortly after Martin Luther King was assassinated, a group of his closest friends met in his home. Some of them wondered who the White man was who kept checking in on the kids.

That was Stanley Levison. Stanley was a wealthy Jewish businessman from New York… and was also the former manager of the Communist Party’s finances, who had left the Party to use his business acumen to channel money into the Black Freedom Struggle. Together with his comrades Ella Baker and Bayard Rustin, Levison had been involved in an effort to fund local movements in the South that were trying to get off the ground in the period leading up to the civil rights movement. When the Montgomery Bus Boycott erupted, these three master-strategists channeled resources to the local movement… hoping that it would become the spark could light the fire of a regional movement.

And indeed, partly because of their support – which ranged from fundraising, consulting, networking, ghost writing, and even the direct mentorship of Martin Luther King – it did. From that moment on, Stanley Levison became Martin Luther King’s invisible confidant… the man who Martin always knew he could call if he woke up at 3AM filled with fears, with emotions he needed to process, or with new ideas he wanted to explore. Over the years Martin’s relationship with Stanley never wavered… not even when the FBI began using Martin’s connection to the former communist as the excuse for their campaign of surveillance, demonization, and intimidation of the great civil rights leader that was designed to destroy the most important social movement of the 20th century.

Martin valued Stanley partly because – unlike so many others, including important mentors like Bayard Rustin – Stanley had no interest in pushing Martin’s ideas or strategies in a certain direction. He was there simply to help Martin Luther King process his emotions and his thoughts, and to support whatever Martin’s decisions were. This allowed Martin to trust Stanley, perhaps more than anybody else, to be forthright with him and to express hard truths.

For years, Stanley Levison did Martin Luther King’s taxes, ghost wrote for him, secured his book contracts, worked tirelessly as a fundraiser for the movement, and most importantly, was a key advisor. Whenever Martin tried to offer Stanley payment, Stanley refused. In one letter explaining his refusal of payment Levison wrote: “My skills . . . were acquired not only in a cloistered academic environment, but also in the commercial jungle . . . I looked forward to the time when I could use these skills not for myself but for socially constructive ends. The liberation struggle is the most positive and rewarding area of work anyone could experience.”

One of Martin’s most beloved friends and most important aides, Andrew Young, later said of Stanley: “Of all the unknown supporters of the civil rights movement, he was perhaps the most important.” Coretta Scott King wrote: “Because he was such a modest man, few people know of the magnitude of his contributions to the labor, civil rights and peace movements.” After Martin’s assassination, Stanley joined his friend Harry Belafonte in ensuring that Martin’s wife and children would have no economic difficulties. Stanley Levison continued to fund a variety of movement causes until the day he died.

Additional Resources

Books

Ben Kamin: Dangerous Friendship: Stanley Levison, Martin Luther King Jr., and the Kennedy Brothers.

The FBI Files on Stanley Levison: (See also online documents.)

Videos

Clarence Jones on Stanley (35 minutes in.)

Articles

Ben Kamin: Martin Luther King’s Dangerous Friendship.

MLK Institute bio.

New York Times obituary.

NPR: King’s New York Connection: MLK Jr.’s Friendship With Stanley Levison.

Toby Terrar: Stanley Levison’s Financial Role in the Civil Rights and Communist Movements in the 1940s to 1960s: A Rank-and-File Perspective.

Wikipedia entry.

Joan C. Browning

By Lynn Burnett

The following story is based primarily on Joan C. Browning’s wonderful chapter in “Deep in Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the Freedom Movement.”

Freedom Rider Joan C. Browning was born into the summer heat of Georgia, in a small shed on the family farm, in 1942. Hers was a small community – too small to be called a town – that had one store, and one school. She grew up picking cotton – by age 16 she could pick 200 pounds a day – and her family would sew chicken feed sacks into clothing. Joan grew up thinking she was well-off: for her family farm was larger than those around her, and hers was the first house for miles around to get electricity. She was shocked when she learned that much of the wider world saw her family as “poor White trash.”

The farming community that Joan grew up in was deeply proud of their self-sufficiency. They also embraced a strong community spirit of lifting one another up in hard times. When drought hit the farms, community members shared scarce resources and made sure everyone made it through. When her family’s house burned down, the community donated their own clothes and furniture, and raised funds to help the family rent a new home. Joan later reflected that “My family and community ordeals and the responses people had to them prepared me for the Freedom Movement’s concept of the Beloved Community.”

Joan was a precocious student. She skipped grades, graduated from high school at age 16, and headed off to Georgia State College for Women in Milledgeville. The switch from rural to urban life was a difficult one. “After an initial infatuation with paved streets and paved sidewalks,” Joan recalls, “I missed my family. I missed my rural home of small places and small groups.”

Central to those small groups had been Joan’s beloved Methodist church. It was a tightly knit community, where everybody knew each other, sang passionately together, and where the values of rural life such as the spirituality of land stewardship were preached from the pulpit. The Methodist church in Milledgeville, on the other hand, had a thousand congregants. A professional choir performed for the congregation. Joan experienced it as feeling overly formal, stiff, and impersonal. For the first time in her life, she began avoiding church on Sundays.

During this time, however, Joan would often walk by a Black church, carrying her books under her arm. The Reverend was often sweeping the leaves in front of the church, and would engage her in conversation about the books she was carrying, or the beauty of the autumn leaves. Joan soon began attending Reverend Mincey’s church… where the people sang passionately together in the way that she longed for.

When her college discovered that she was attending a Black church, the president called Joan into his office. He looked nervous and afraid as he told Joan that the college had received threats of violence if she didn’t cease her “dangerous and irregular activities.” Although Joan had grown up in an all-White rural community, she had harvested cotton alongside Black people – and rested in the shade with them – for her whole life. Because her community – including the local rural papers – kept silent on the matter of race, Joan was naively unaware of segregation’s violent enforcement. She was dumbfounded that what felt to her like an innocent activity could lead to threats of violence.

Motivated in part by a desire to understand why simply attending a Black church would lead to such a backlash, Joan snuck off to an interracial Christian conference for college students, hosted in Augusta. This was in the spring of 1961, and the Black college students in the conference had been staging sit-ins for a full year. The conference buzzed with movement energy. James Lawson – one of the leading trainers of nonviolent resistance during the Civil Rights Movement – was a conference speaker. His teachings reminded Joan of a message that had been so important to the rural community in which she was raised: that God is Love, and that God is known through Love and through taking actions grounded in Love. Lawson inspired her to see the Civil Rights Movement through that lens. In her words, he showed her “how to behave as a nonviolent Christian witness against racism.” Joan joined the sit-ins the same day that she heard him speak.

That sit-in took place at the H.L. Green Variety Store, which was “just around the corner from a store that served as a hangout for the Ku Klux Klan and White Citizens Council.” During the sit-in, a group of Whites paced back and forth behind them muttering threats. When one of them raised a knife to attack a White participant, the local sit-in leader Bill Didley leapt in front of the blow and was stabbed just under his heart. The Black participants of the sit-in, seeing that the White participants were being targeted for violence, told them to run. Bill Didley survived – but in true Jim Crow fashion, was charged with possessing a concealed weapon: the knife that was lodged in his chest.

News of Joan’s sit-in quickly reached her college president, and she was given two choices: to be expelled, or to leave quietly, with her excellent college record intact. She left quietly. In her chapter in Deep In Our Hearts, Joan reflects:

“I visited the black Methodist church not because it was black but because the minister and I had struck up a cordiality that was reminiscent in style to my rural roots. I went there to worship, not to break some racial barrier. Certainly I had no notion that attending church would lead to my expulsion from college. I did not know that society had built those limits into my own freedom . . . I stumbled innocently, unaware, across southern racism’s dividing line. In the rural isolation of my home, I did not know that there was a taboo against black and white Methodists worshipping God together. In the end, my search for the warmth and friendliness of a small community meant ostracism from the very thing I sought . . . The personal history I was writing made me an outcast in white southern society, while my white skin sometimes separated me from black people.”

And so, at age 18, Joan moved to Atlanta with $25 in her pocket. When she had been kicked out of college, she had been accused of being part of several “subversive” groups she had never heard of. In Atlanta, she quickly looked them up and visited their offices: the NAACP, the Urban League… and SNCC. Her first SNCC contacts were Jim Forman, Norma Collins, and Julian Bond. As Joan recalls,

“I was drawn to SNCC’s few dingy, poorly lit, upstairs rooms . . . I remember dilapidated desks and chairs, with lots of commotion, always people mimeographing. I felt lucky to do whatever Jim, Julian, or Norma asked me to do. Julian Bond wrote press releases, and I folded them and put them in envelopes, feeling I had been entrusted with a very special task.”

When Jim Forman began to look for White volunteers to join the Albany Freedom rides, Joan volunteered to go. Although she was scared by the fire bombings and vicious beatings that had met former Freedom Riders, she was inspired to join because of the deep trust she had developed in Jim Forman and the official observer for the ride, Casey Hayden. (One of only four White southern women to participate in the Freedom Rides, Joan’s comrades would later joke that she was the token “Hillbilly Freedom Rider.”)

Although the Albany Freedom Riders arrived safely at their destination, they were thrown in jail. Joan, as the only White woman, was placed in solitary confinement. When her SNCC comrades suggested bailing her out due to their concern that she would be a special target of the guards, Joan refused to be released until they all were. Meanwhile, the Albany movement, newly energized by the Freedom Rides, exploded around them. As hundreds of demonstrators filled the jails, Joan secretly documented the experience by writing detailed notes on toilet paper and napkins.

Upon release, she went straight to a mass movement meeting in a Black church. In that moment, she felt profoundly at home. Joan would later write that the movement allowed her to explore “new dimensions of my own Christianity . . . The movement allowed harmony in myself between ideas and ideals and action. I could be more fully whole in the movement than anywhere else . . . For me, the Freedom Movement was the all-inclusive true church.”

However, the Freedom Rides also ushered in a lifelong source on pain for Joan. She had kept her reasons for leaving college a secret from her family. When her brother Wayne saw her picture in the newspaper, he threw it across the room in disgust. Joan’s mother asked Wayne what they should do: he said to leave her in jail. Joan’s mother told her not to come home for Christmas: she was no longer welcome. She would just create discord and tension in the family and the community. Wayne later told her: “We just wrote you out of the family.” Joan was never able to repair the rift: “Being ‘written out of my family’ has scarred and shaped my life ever since.”

And yet, the family and community that exiled her had also blessed her with her first experience of Beloved Community – a community in which all people were treated with dignity and respect, and in which all people were cared for and no one was left behind. In pursuing the Beloved Community in the Freedom Movement, Joan didn’t feel that she was severing her roots as a White southerner. Rather,

“It was an expansion of my early life . . . You might . . . expect that, as a freedom fighter, I had to reject all my upbringing. I did not. As I understood my journey, I was searching for restoration of my membership in a loving family and community, membership that comforted me in early life and yet remains an elusive goal.” 

Joan continued to participate in the sit-ins throughout 1962, but as she re-entered college she had less time and energy for the movement. Still, her home remained a hive of movement activity. During the Freedom Summer of 1964, she organized housing for volunteers, and sorted through thousands of documents for the Freedom Schools.

However, as the culture of SNCC began to shift away from what Joan had experienced as a more spiritual commitment to nonviolence, she increasingly felt that she didn’t fit in anymore. She continued to party with SNCC people, but she organized with them less and less. She began to reorient her energies towards other antiracist organizations and causes, including working on prison reform and with the ACLU, the National Urban League, and the American Friends Service Committee. “I was securely ensconced in this sector of the Beloved Community,” Joan writes, “when SNCC moved into the Black Power phase. From my perspective, Black Power was about cultural richness . . . as I experienced the cultural aspects of Black Power, it added new richness to my world.” Inspired by the celebration of Black beauty and Black natural hair, Joan was inspired to “stop torturing my own hair with chemicals.”

As the Civil Rights era came to an end, Joan found herself craving a return to her rural roots. She briefly tried living on a farm once again, but soon relocated to a mobile home in a mountainous region in West Virginia, overlooking the Greenbrier River. From there, she has spent decades following the advice of one of her most important mentors: Ella Baker, “who advised stepping outside one’s door and doing the good work awaiting there.” Joan continues to live in that mobile home overlooking the river today, with her dog Gabriel and her cat, Agape.

Additional Resources

By Joan C. Browning:

Video

Other Resources

Joan C. Browning papers at Emory University.

Wikipedia entry.

Jane Stembridge

By Lynn Burnett

As the sit-in movement swept the South early in 1960, Black freedom struggle elder and master organizer Ella Baker convened a meeting to bring student leaders together. Out of this meeting grew the most important grassroots organization of the civil rights movement: the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee.

Ella Baker asked Jane Stembridge, one of the only White students to attend the founding meeting, to consider leaving her theological studies and help administer the new civil rights organization. As sit-ins continued to break out in many cities, part of Jane’s job was to make contact with local sit-in leaders, find out what their needs were, connect them to organizers in their region, and plug them into SNCC. When people wrote to SNCC asking what they could do for the movement, Jane was often the one to respond.

As she helped to organize SNCC’s second major conference in October 1960, Jane noticed that there were no participants from the most dangerous and isolated parts of the South. She discussed this with her close colleague, Bob Moses… and those conversations helped Bob decide that he was going to go into those areas and organize. Bob Moses’s work in the most dangerous parts of the South made him legendary, and led to some of the civil rights movement’s most important voting rights work.

Jane Stembridge also worked closely with Bayard Rustin, putting his organizing genius into the service of SNCC. When SNCC severed its ties with Rustin to avoid a scandal over his sexuality, Stembridge, who was also gay, was infuriated. Patriarchy and homophobia had played a key role in pushing her into the civil rights movement: as she later commented, “we had to find a husband, we had to be subservient to that man, and I’m like this is bullshit . . . I couldn’t work with that. And that anger and sense of injustice was in me . . . its part of what propelled me into the civil rights movement, my own sense of repression.”

Jane was deeply hurt to find such oppression even within spaces committed to liberation. In 1964 that hurt, and particularly the way Rustin had been treated, led her to leave SNCC.

Additional Resources

Civil Rights Movement Veterans: Remembering Jane Stembridge.

SNCC Digital Gateway bio.

Jane Stembridge:

Jane Stembridge (books):

Alice Walker Official Website: Jane Stembridge, Sister Southerner from Georgia ¡Presente!

The Battle of Blair Mountain

Based on Articles by the Zinn Education Project & Southern Crossroads.

The Battle of Blair Mountain was, in the words of the Zinn Education Project, “the largest example of class war in U.S. history. It was fought over the course of five days in 1921 by 10,000 coal miners” in West Virginia. The mining conditions were brutal enough to unify miners across racial and ethnic backgrounds, including Black and White American miners, as well as marginalized European immigrants.

Many of these diverse men were veterans of World War I. When their unionization efforts were met with mass evictions of mining families and outright murders at the hands of the mine owner’s personal police forces, the miners armed themselves not only with rifles but machine guns… and then marched on the police. The mining owners pulled together a 3,000-person private army, and dug in along the ridge of Blair Mountain to face off with the miners.

In response, the miners formed “an effective military strategy. They gained the ridge at one location and established a standard military operation that included a command center, a rear guard, and a perimeter.” According to the New York Times, the rebel army of miners “commandeered passenger trains, cut telephone wires, looted coal company stores of arms and ammunition; and executed two alleged company spies.”

During the long mining struggles leading up to this showdown, White “union organizers and officials worked diligently to address the civil struggles of Black miners. For instance, Black miners served in a wide range of union political positions, and if the union would not have recognized this and other fundamental concerns of Black civil struggles, they would have had a much harder time uniting with Black miners. This does not mean that Black miners did not still face significant discrimination, but there was a large amount of progress as many racial lines were crossed . . . Throughout the campaign Black miners served as commanders and logistics officers. There is even one instance of a Black miner leading a troop of fighters to the front. The majority of Black soldiers in WWI were not allowed to be in combat, and so the fact that they were armed and leading white troops at Blair Mountain is an important historical milestone . . . All of this enabled the miners at the Battle of Blair Mountain to enact a degree of solidarity that was so strong it took three regiments of federal troops to stop it. This did not occur through simple class solidarity; instead the everyday interests of white, Black, and immigrant miners were woven into the larger struggle.”

“The true lesson of Blair Mountain is that when people come together in a way that genuinely attempts to integrate different struggles, one of the most powerful social forces for change can be formed. When poor white, Black, and immigrant people work together, that is what truly scares people in power. As stated above, this mix of racial, ethnic, and class solidarities was not perfect. But it was something unique for the time, and its effect can best be summed up by a white miner who fought in the battle: ‘I call it a darn solid mass of different colors and tribes, blended together, woven together, bound, interlocked, tongued and grooved together in one body.’”

The Battle of Blair Mountain is also where the term “redneck” comes from. As Southern Crossroads – which works to organize White southerners for racial justice – writes, “Real rednecks know that the term comes from the legacy of white coal miners in West Virginia who wore red bandannas [to signify they were with the union] and joined with their Black comrades to rise up against the coal company during the Battle of Blair Mountain in 1921.” Southern Crossroads seeks to reclaim this legacy for the White South today, using the hashtags #ReclaimRedneck and #SpiritofBlairMountain.

Additional Resources

This post consists mostly of extensive quotes from two articles from the Zinn Education Project, with the closing quote from Southern Crossroads (see articles below). Please consider donating to those organizations – here and here – to support the good work they do. The two Zinn resources link to additional resources to explore.

Southern Crossroads: The Spirit of Blair Mountain Week of Action: Sharing Our Southern Stories.

The Zinn Education Project:

Heather Booth

By Lynn Burnett

Featured image: Heather Booth playing guitar for Fannie Lou Hamer and others during the Freedom Summer Project in Mississippi, 1964.

Born into a progressive New York Jewish community at the end of World War II, Heather Booth was raised to understand the importance of fighting injustice. In 1964 she headed south to participate in the Mississippi Freedom Summer, where she helped organize the freedom schools and voter registration drives.

At the age of 18 she thus stepped into a world of racial violence, where Black people took risks on a daily basis to organize for their freedom. The Black family hosting her was making themselves a target by doing so… an experience that led Heather to feel her privilege deep in her bones. Heather also saw that women were in many ways the backbone of the movement, but that their efforts often remained invisible. The civil rights movement thus accelerated her already growing feminist consciousness.

During the Freedom Summer, Booth met a young woman who had become suicidal due to an unwanted pregnancy. After returning to her campus in the North, Booth founded the Jane Collective, a clandestine student-run organization that connected women to doctors who were committed to the right to a safe abortion. She also joined the Students for a Democratic Society, where she led women in walk-outs when the men proved unable to hear their voices, and organized women’s groups on campus to tackle the misogyny that ran rampant in the University system.

Heather Booth also continued her racial justice efforts by leading the local Friends of SNCC chapter, traveling and raising funds in the North for SNCC’s efforts. When SNCC became an all-Black organization in the late 60s, Booth threw her energy more fully into women’s liberation and antiwar organizing.

Over the decades, Heather Booth grew into one of the nation’s leading organizers of progressive politics, creating numerous organizations and training programs. In 2000, SNCC leader Julian Bond hired her to lead the voter registration drive for the NAACP, which led to a strong Black turnout in the 2000 elections. Most recently, she played a key role in the Biden/Harris get out the vote effort.

Additional Resources

Documentary: Heather Booth: Changing the World.

Heather Booth:

Civil Rights Movement Veterans: Bio.

Jewish Women’s Archive: bio.

Just Seeds: Interview with Heather Booth of the Jane Abortion Service.

Veteran Feminists of America bio.

Wikipedia bio.

Bernardine Dohrn

By Lynn Burnett

As a radical law student in the late 1960s, Bernardine Dohrn helped the National Lawyers Guild organize young lawyers to defend antiwar and racial justice activists. She was swept deeper into the movement at a time when the Black freedom struggle was radicalizing, as it confronted increasing police brutality and the assassinations of its leaders, faced the limitations of the civil rights movement to tackle systemic racism, and as it made stronger connections between imperial wars abroad, globalized economic inequality, and White supremacy.

During this time both SNCC and the BPP called for White racial justice organizers to go into the belly of the beast – into White communities across the U.S. – and organize White communities to support racial justice. When Bernardine became a leader within the most radical wing of the Students For A Democratic Society – a wing that morphed into the Weathermen – she played a key role in translating those ideas to the White student movement.

A turning point for Bernardine and the Weathermen came in the winter of 1969, when photos of the Mỹ Lai massacre were released to the public during the same month that their comrade Fred Hampton was assassinated by police while he slept in his bed. The Weathermen feared that state violence would continue to escalate, and that the surveillance and infiltration of antiwar and racial justice groups would intensify even further. Bernardine and the Weathermen went underground, to keep part of the movement alive and functioning even as state violence and surveillance increased. For the remainder of the Vietnam War, the group – now called the Weather Underground – conducted bombings of the institutions they held responsible for that violence. These bombings led Bernadine, as the group’s leader, to become one of the first women to be placed on the FBI’s most-wanted list… a distinction shared by her friends Angela Davis and Assata Shakur.   

Bernardine stayed underground with her husband Bill Ayers until 1980, after which she served seven months in prison for refusing to testify before a grand jury against other Weathermen. By the early 90s she had transformed herself into a leading figure for juvenile justice reform. She remains active in racial justice movements today.

Additional Resources

Suggested starting point: Mother Country Radicals: A Family History of the Weather Underground. (Podcast.)

Weather Underground Founding Statement: You Don’t Need A Weatherman To Know Which Way The Wind Blows.

Books

Bill Ayers: Fugitive Days: Memoirs of an Antiwar Activist.

Bills Ayers & Bernardine Dohrn:

Dan Berger: Outlaws of America: The Weather Underground and the Politics of Solidarity.

Bernardine Dohrn (with other editors): A Century of Juvenile Justice.

Arthur M. Eckstein: Bad Moon Rising: How the Weather Underground Beat the FBI and Lost the Revolution.

Articles

Bernardine Dohrn: Collection of articles at Huffpost.

Alessa Dominguez: Bernardine Dohrn Was Called The Most Dangerous Woman In America. Now, Her Son Reconsiders Her Legacy.

Nick Fraser: Days of Rage: America’s Radical Underground, the FBI and the Forgotten Age of Revolutionary Violence.

Patricia Lear: Rebel Without a Pause: In the early 1970s, Bernardine Dohrn and her Weatherman cohorts were blowing up buildings. Today, she has a new—respectable—revolution to lead.

Jonah Raskin: Never the ‘good girl,’ not then, not now: A Rag Blog interview with Bernardine Dohrn.

Videos

Appearances on C-SPAN.

Democracy Now!

Documentaries:

Original newscast: Weather Underground Bombs the Capitol, Pentagon, and State Department.